2015年全國(guó)研究生招生考試英語(yǔ)（一）試題

第一節(jié)英語(yǔ)方向的使用：

閱讀下面的文字。為每個(gè)編號(hào)的空白處選擇最佳的單詞，并在答題卡上標(biāo)記A、B、C 或D。 （10分）

盡管沒(méi)有生物學(xué)上的相關(guān)性，但朋友與第四代表兄弟姐妹一樣“有血緣關(guān)系”，擁有大約1% 的基因。這是1 加州大學(xué)和耶魯大學(xué)在《美國(guó)國(guó)家科學(xué)院院刊》上發(fā)表的一項(xiàng)研究，有2 。

這項(xiàng)研究是對(duì)3 1 932 名獨(dú)特受試者進(jìn)行的全基因組分析，其中4 對(duì)不相關(guān)的朋友和不相關(guān)的陌生人。兩者都使用了相同的人員5 。

雖然1% 看起來(lái)可能是6，但對(duì)于遺傳學(xué)家來(lái)說(shuō)卻并非如此。正如加州大學(xué)圣地亞哥分校醫(yī)學(xué)遺傳學(xué)教授詹姆斯·福勒(James Fowler) 所說(shuō)，“大多數(shù)人甚至不選擇自己的第四代堂兄弟姐妹，但會(huì)以某種方式設(shè)法選擇與我們有親屬關(guān)系的人作為朋友?！?

研究9 發(fā)現(xiàn)，嗅覺(jué)基因是朋友們共有的，但免疫基因卻不是。目前還很難解釋為什么氣味基因中存在這種相似性。 10 ，正如團(tuán)隊(duì)所建議的，它把我們吸引到類似的環(huán)境中，但還有更多11 ?？赡苡性S多機(jī)制共同作用，讓12 我們選擇基因相似的朋友13 與14 成為朋友的“功能性親屬關(guān)系”！

這項(xiàng)研究的顯著發(fā)現(xiàn)之一是，相似的基因似乎比其他基因進(jìn)化了15 倍。研究這一點(diǎn)可以幫助解釋人類進(jìn)化在過(guò)去3 萬(wàn)年中加快步伐的16 個(gè)原因，其中社會(huì)環(huán)境是主要的17 個(gè)因素。

研究人員表示，這一發(fā)現(xiàn)并不僅僅解釋了人們?cè)?8 歲時(shí)會(huì)與那些具有相似19 背景的人成為朋友。盡管所有受試者均來(lái)自歐洲血統(tǒng)的人群，但要注意20 名受試者、朋友和陌生人均來(lái)自同一人群。

1. [A] 什么[B] 如何[C] 為什么[D] 什么時(shí)候

2. [A] 辯護(hù)[B] 得出結(jié)論[C] 撤回[D] 建議

3. [A] 為[B]，[C] 為[D]

4. [A] 分離[B] 尋求[C] 比較[D] 連接

5. [A] 測(cè)試[B] 對(duì)象[C] 樣本[D] 示例

6. [A] 微不足道[B] 意想不到[C] 不可靠[D] 難以置信

7. [A]拜訪[B]想念[C]認(rèn)識(shí)[D]尋求

8. [A] 超越[B] 影響力[C] 青睞[D] 相似

9. [A] 又[B] 也[C] 代替[D] 因此

10. [A]同時(shí)[B]此外[C]同樣[D]也許

11. [A]關(guān)于從[D]到[B]到[C]的事情

12.[A]限制[B]遵守[C]迷惑[D]驅(qū)動(dòng)

13. [A] 根據(jù)[B] 而不是[C]，無(wú)論[D] 與

14. [A] 機(jī)會(huì)[B] 回應(yīng)[C] 好處[D] 使命

15. [A] 較快[B] 較慢[C] 較晚[D] 較早

16. [A]預(yù)測(cè)[B]記住[C]表達(dá)[D]理解

17. [A] 不可預(yù)測(cè)[B] 貢獻(xiàn)性[C] 可控[D] 破壞性

18.[A]傾向[B]決定[C]安排[D]努力

19. [A] 政治[B] 宗教[C] 民族[D] 經(jīng)濟(jì)

20. [A] 參見(jiàn)[B] 顯示[C] 證明[D] 告訴

【翻譯】

友誼DNA: 研究發(fā)現(xiàn)我們與朋友有基因聯(lián)系（編者補(bǔ)充）

DNA友誼：研究發(fā)現(xiàn)我們與我們的朋友有基因聯(lián)系

盡管沒(méi)有血緣關(guān)系，但朋友就像第四代堂兄弟姐妹一樣親密，擁有我們約1% 的基因。這是加州大學(xué)和耶魯大學(xué)聯(lián)合發(fā)表的一項(xiàng)研究的結(jié)論，編號(hào)為《美國(guó)國(guó)家科學(xué)院院刊》。

該研究對(duì)1,932 名獨(dú)特的受試者進(jìn)行了全基因組遺傳分析，比較了成對(duì)不相關(guān)的朋友和成對(duì)不相關(guān)的陌生人。兩組樣本均使用相同的實(shí)驗(yàn)對(duì)象。

盡管這1% 看起來(lái)微不足道，但遺傳學(xué)家卻有不同的看法。正如圣地亞哥加利福尼亞大學(xué)基因醫(yī)學(xué)教授詹姆斯·福勒所說(shuō)：“大多數(shù)人甚至不認(rèn)識(shí)自己的第四代堂兄弟姐妹，但不知何故卻選擇與與自己親戚相似的人成為朋友。”

研究還發(fā)現(xiàn)，嗅覺(jué)基因在朋友之間是共享的，但免疫基因卻不是。為什么嗅覺(jué)基因有相似之處目前還很難解釋。也許，正如研究小組所表明的那樣，基因?qū)⑽覀兾较嗨频沫h(huán)境中。但事情沒(méi)那么簡(jiǎn)單?？赡苡泻芏鄼C(jī)制共同作用，驅(qū)使我們選擇基因相似的朋友，而不是由興趣形成的“實(shí)際親密關(guān)系”。

這項(xiàng)研究的重大發(fā)現(xiàn)之一是，朋友之間相似的基因似乎比其他基因進(jìn)化得更快。此類研究有助于理解為什么人類在過(guò)去三萬(wàn)年里加速進(jìn)化，而社會(huì)環(huán)境是一個(gè)主要促成因素。

研究人員表示，這些發(fā)現(xiàn)并不僅僅證實(shí)人們傾向于與具有相似種族背景的人交朋友。盡管所有受試者都有歐洲血統(tǒng)，但研究人員注意確保所有受試者，無(wú)論是朋友還是陌生人，都來(lái)自同一種族。

第二節(jié)閱讀理解A部分方向：

閱讀下面四篇課文。選擇A、B、C 或D 來(lái)回答每篇文章下面的問(wèn)題。在答題卡上標(biāo)記您的答案。 （40分）

文本1 西班牙國(guó)王胡安·卡洛斯曾經(jīng)堅(jiān)稱“國(guó)王不會(huì)退位，他們會(huì)在睡夢(mèng)中死去”。但令人尷尬的丑聞和最近歐洲選舉中共和黨左翼的受歡迎程度迫使他食言并下臺(tái)。那么，西班牙危機(jī)是否表明君主制正在走向末日？這是否意味著所有歐洲王室成員都將面臨不祥之兆，因?yàn)樗麄兇┲A麗的制服和宏偉的生活方式

西班牙的案例提供了支持和反對(duì)君主制的論據(jù)。當(dāng)公眾輿論特別兩極分化時(shí)，就像佛朗哥政權(quán)結(jié)束后那樣，君主可以超越“純粹”的政治，“體現(xiàn)”民族團(tuán)結(jié)的精神。

正是這種明顯的政治超越性解釋了君主作為國(guó)家元首持續(xù)受到歡迎的原因。因此，除了中東之外，歐洲是世界上君主出沒(méi)最多的地區(qū)，有10 個(gè)王國(guó)（不包括梵蒂岡城和安道爾）。但與海灣和亞洲的專制主義同行不同，大多數(shù)王室得以幸存，因?yàn)樗麄冏屵x民避免了尋找無(wú)爭(zhēng)議但受人尊敬的公眾人物的艱難過(guò)程。

即便如此，國(guó)王和王后無(wú)疑也有缺點(diǎn)。盡管他們自稱是民族團(tuán)結(jié)的象征，但他們的歷史——有時(shí)甚至是他們今天的行為方式——體現(xiàn)了過(guò)時(shí)的、站不住腳的特權(quán)和不平等。當(dāng)托馬斯·皮凱蒂和其他經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家警告不平等加劇和繼承財(cái)富的力量日益增強(qiáng)之際，富裕的貴族家庭仍然是現(xiàn)代民主國(guó)家的象征性核心，這很奇怪。

最成功的君主政體都努力放棄或隱藏其古老的貴族方式。王子和公主有日常工作，騎自行車(chē)，而不是馬（或直升機(jī)）。即便如此，這些都是富裕家庭，他們與國(guó)際上1% 的人一起聚會(huì)，而媒體的侵入使得維持正確的形象變得越來(lái)越困難。

盡管歐洲的君主制無(wú)疑會(huì)足夠聰明，能夠在未來(lái)一段時(shí)間內(nèi)生存下來(lái)，但英國(guó)王室最擔(dān)心西班牙的例子。

只有女王以她相當(dāng)普通（如果富有）的奶奶風(fēng)格維護(hù)了君主制的聲譽(yù)。危險(xiǎn)將降臨在查爾斯身上，他的生活方式品味昂貴，世界觀也相當(dāng)?shù)燃?jí)森嚴(yán)。他不明白，君主制之所以得以幸存，很大程度上是因?yàn)樗鼈兲峁┝艘环N服務(wù)——作為無(wú)爭(zhēng)議、非政治性的國(guó)家元首。查爾斯應(yīng)該知道，正如英國(guó)歷史所表明的那樣，君主制最大的敵人是國(guó)王，而不是共和主義者。

21.根據(jù)前兩段，西班牙國(guó)王胡安·卡爾

[A]曾經(jīng)享有很高的公眾支持。

[B]在歐洲王室成員中不受歡迎。

[C]在尷尬中結(jié)束了他的統(tǒng)治。

[D]緩和了他與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手的關(guān)系。

22.歐洲國(guó)家大多由君主擔(dān)任國(guó)家元首

[A]由于他們無(wú)可置疑且受人尊敬的地位。

[B]實(shí)現(xiàn)傳統(tǒng)與現(xiàn)實(shí)的平衡。

[C] 讓選民有更多值得尊敬的公眾人物。

[D]由于他們永恒的政治體現(xiàn)。

23. 根據(jù)第4 段，下列哪一項(xiàng)是奇數(shù)

[A] 貴族對(duì)繼承財(cái)富的過(guò)度依賴。

[B] 貴族家庭的簡(jiǎn)樸生活方式。

[C] 貴族在現(xiàn)代民主國(guó)家中的作用。

[D] 該能力對(duì)其特權(quán)的遵守。

24. 英國(guó)王室“最害怕”，因?yàn)椴闋査?

[A] 在政治問(wèn)題上采取強(qiáng)硬立場(chǎng)。

[B] 未能按照建議改變他的生活方式。

[C] 將共和黨人視為他的潛在盟友。

[D] 未能使自己適應(yīng)未來(lái)的角色。

25.下列哪一個(gè)是最好的文本標(biāo)題

[A]卡洛斯，榮耀與恥辱的結(jié)合

[B] 卡洛斯，給所有歐洲君主的一課

[C] 查爾斯，對(duì)即將到來(lái)的威脅反應(yīng)遲緩

[D] 查爾斯，渴望繼承王位

【翻譯】

是所有歐洲皇室成員的不祥之兆（編輯補(bǔ)充）

所有歐洲王室都注定滅亡嗎？

西班牙國(guó)王胡安·卡洛斯曾堅(jiān)稱“國(guó)王不會(huì)退位，他們會(huì)在睡夢(mèng)中死去”。但令人尷尬的丑聞和左翼共和黨在最近的歐洲選舉中的受歡迎程度迫使他食言并下臺(tái)。那么，西班牙危機(jī)是否標(biāo)志著君主制的終結(jié)？這是否意味著所有歐洲王室將面臨華麗制服和高貴生活方式的消亡？

西班牙的案例提供了支持和反對(duì)絕對(duì)君主制觀點(diǎn)的論據(jù)。當(dāng)輿論嚴(yán)重兩極分化時(shí)，就像佛朗哥統(tǒng)治末期那樣，君主能夠超越“純粹”的政治概念，轉(zhuǎn)而“代表”民族團(tuán)結(jié)的精神。

正是這種明顯超然的政治存在解釋了君主作為國(guó)家元首持續(xù)受到歡迎的原因。因此，除了中東之外，歐洲是世界上產(chǎn)生君主最多的地方。歐洲有10個(gè)王國(guó)（不包括梵蒂岡城和安道爾）。但與海灣和亞洲的絕對(duì)獨(dú)裁者不同，大多數(shù)歐洲王室得以幸存，因?yàn)樗鼈優(yōu)檫x民提供了一種無(wú)障礙的方式來(lái)找到一個(gè)不受爭(zhēng)議且受人尊敬的公眾人物。

即便如此，國(guó)王和王后也有其缺點(diǎn)。盡管他們聲稱象征著民族團(tuán)結(jié)，但他們過(guò)去的歷史和今天的一些行為體現(xiàn)了過(guò)時(shí)的、站不住腳的特權(quán)和不公正。一段時(shí)間以來(lái)，托馬斯·平克和其他經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家一直在警告不平等加劇和世襲財(cái)富力量不斷增強(qiáng)，但奇怪的是，這些富裕的貴族家庭仍然是現(xiàn)代民主國(guó)家的象征。核。

最成功的君主努力放棄或隱藏他們?cè)瓉?lái)的貴族生活方式。王子和公主白天工作和騎自行車(chē)，而不是騎馬（或直升機(jī)）。即便如此，這些富裕家庭只與國(guó)際上前1%的富豪交往，媒體的侵入讓他們?cè)絹?lái)越難以保持正面形象。

歐洲的君主無(wú)疑會(huì)足夠聰明，爭(zhēng)取一些時(shí)間，而對(duì)西班牙事件感到最大恐懼的是英國(guó)王室。

只有女王以她非常普通（雖然考究）的祖母風(fēng)格保持了君主制的聲譽(yù)。危險(xiǎn)來(lái)自查爾斯，他熱衷于奢侈的生活方式，并有等級(jí)觀念的世界觀。他不明白君主制得以幸存很大程度上是因?yàn)樗麄冏鳛橐粋€(gè)無(wú)可爭(zhēng)議的、非政治性的國(guó)家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提供了服務(wù)。查爾斯應(yīng)該知道，正如英國(guó)歷史所表明的那樣，君主制最大的敵人是國(guó)王，而不是共和主義者。

Text 2 憲法到底在多大程度上保護(hù)您的數(shù)字?jǐn)?shù)據(jù)最高法院現(xiàn)在將考慮，如果在逮捕期間手機(jī)位于某人身上或周?chē)焓欠窨梢栽跊](méi)有搜查令的情況下搜查手機(jī)的內(nèi)容。

加州已要求法官不要做出全面裁決，尤其是一項(xiàng)推翻了當(dāng)局可能在逮捕嫌疑人時(shí)搜查嫌疑人財(cái)物的舊假設(shè)的裁決。該州認(rèn)為，法官很難評(píng)估快速變化的新技術(shù)的影響。

如果法院聽(tīng)從加州的建議，那就太謙虛了。足夠多的影響是可以辨別的，甚至是顯而易見(jiàn)的，因此司法人員可以而且應(yīng)該向警察、律師和被告提供最新的指導(dǎo)方針。

他們應(yīng)該首先放棄加州的蹩腳論點(diǎn)，即探索智能手機(jī)（一個(gè)巨大的數(shù)字信息倉(cāng)庫(kù)）的內(nèi)容類似于搜查嫌疑人的錢(qián)包。法院裁定，警察在沒(méi)有搜查令的情況下搜查被捕者的錢(qián)包或皮夾時(shí)，不違反第四修正案。但探索一個(gè)人的智能手機(jī)更像是進(jìn)入他或她的家。智能手機(jī)可能包含被捕者的閱讀歷史、財(cái)務(wù)歷史、病史和近期通信的綜合記錄。與此同時(shí)，“云計(jì)算”的發(fā)展使這種探索變得更加容易。

是

ericans should take steps to protect their digital privacy. But keeping sensitive information on these devices is increasingly a requirement of normal life. Citizens still have a right to expect private documents to remain private and protected by the Constitution’s prohibition on unreasonable searches. As so often is the case, stating that principle doesn’t ease the challenge of line-drawing. In many cases, it would not be overly burdensome for authorities to obtain a warrant to search through phone contents. They could still invalidate Fourth Amendment protections when facing severe, urgent circumstances, and they could take reasonable measures to ensure that phone data are not erased or altered while waiting for a warrant. The court, though, may want to allow room for police to cite situations where they are entitled to more freedom. But the justices should not swallow California’s argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitution’s protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a virtual necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. 26. The Supreme court will work out whether, during an arrest, it is legitimate to [A] search for suspects’ mobile phones without a warrant. [B] check suspects’ phone contents without being authorized. [C] prevent suspects from deleting their phone contents. [D] prohibit suspects from using their mobile phones. 27. The author’s attitude toward California’s argument is one of [A] tolerance. [B] indifference. [C] disapproval. [D] cautiousness. 28. The author believes that exploring one’s phone contents is comparable to [A] getting into one’s residence. [B] handing one’s historical records. [C] scanning one’s correspondences. [D] going through one’s wallet. 29. In Paragraphs 5 and 6, the author shows his concern that [A] principles are hard to be clearly expressed. [B] the court is giving police less room for action. [C] phones are used to store sensitive information. [D] citizens’ privacy is not effectively protected. 30. Orin Kerr’s comparison is quoted to indicate that [A] the Constitution should be implemented flexibly. [B] new technology requires reinterpretation of the Constitution. [C] California’s argument violates principles of the Constitution. [D] principles of the Constitution should never be altered. 【譯文】 Supreme Court Should Begin Laying Out Privacy Protections for Smartphones（編者加） 最高法院應(yīng)開(kāi)始制定針對(duì)智能手機(jī)的隱私保護(hù)政策 憲法能在多大程度上保護(hù)你的數(shù)字資料？最高法院將考慮，在沒(méi)有得到批準(zhǔn)令的前提下，警方能否檢查被捕人員所攜帶的手機(jī)內(nèi)容。 加利福尼亞州要求法官避免做出以偏概全的裁決，尤其是那個(gè)可能顛覆先前假設(shè)的裁決，這個(gè)假設(shè)是當(dāng)局可以在抓捕疑犯時(shí)搜查其隨身物品。州政府認(rèn)為，法官很難評(píng)估迅速變化的新技術(shù)的影響。 如果遵循加利福尼亞州的建議，最高法院真是“謙虛”得不計(jì)后果。其背后所隱含的意義有目共睹，甚至可謂明顯，因此，法官們能夠并且應(yīng)當(dāng)向警方、律師和被告人提供更新的指導(dǎo)性意見(jiàn)。 首先，他們應(yīng)該摒棄加利福尼亞蹩腳的觀點(diǎn)，即認(rèn)為查看智能手機(jī)的內(nèi)容——一個(gè)巨大的數(shù)字信息庫(kù)——類似于檢查嫌疑犯的錢(qián)包。法院裁定，警察在沒(méi)有搜查證的情況下搜查抓捕對(duì)象的錢(qián)包或皮夾并不違反第四修正案。但翻查個(gè)人的智能手機(jī)更像是侵入他或她的家。智能手機(jī)可能包含一個(gè)被捕者的閱讀記錄、財(cái)務(wù)記錄、病史和全面的近期通信記錄。與此同時(shí)，“云計(jì)算”的發(fā)展使得這種搜查更加容易。 美國(guó)人應(yīng)該采取措施來(lái)保護(hù)他們的數(shù)字隱私。但在這些設(shè)備上存儲(chǔ)敏感信息是日益增長(zhǎng)的正常生活需求。公民仍然有權(quán)利期望私人文件保密，并且受到憲法“禁止無(wú)理搜查”條款的保護(hù)。 通常，陳述這一原則并沒(méi)有減輕界限劃定的挑戰(zhàn)。在許多情況下，獲取搜查證調(diào)查手機(jī)內(nèi)容對(duì)當(dāng)局來(lái)說(shuō)不是難事。當(dāng)面臨緊急情況時(shí)，他們可能仍然會(huì)不受第四修正案的約束，可以采取合理措施確保在等待搜查證時(shí)手機(jī)的數(shù)據(jù)不被刪除或改變。然而，法院可能希望給予警察空間，讓它們列舉自己的處境，在這些情況下，他們有權(quán)享有更多的自由。 但是法官不應(yīng)該完全接納加利福尼亞的觀點(diǎn)。新的、顛覆性的技術(shù)有時(shí)需要對(duì)憲法保護(hù)條例進(jìn)行創(chuàng)新性應(yīng)用。身為法學(xué)教授的奧林·克爾將21世紀(jì)數(shù)字信息的爆炸式增長(zhǎng)和易獲取性與20世紀(jì)汽車(chē)作為一種實(shí)際生活必需品地位的確立進(jìn)行類比：那時(shí)法官不得不對(duì)小客車(chē)上新的個(gè)人領(lǐng)域制定新的規(guī)則；現(xiàn)在他們也必須解決第四修正案如何去適用數(shù)字信息的問(wèn)題。 Text 3The journal Science is adding an extra round of statistical checks to its peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNutt announced today. The policy follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that basic mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the irreproducibility of many published research findings. “Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal, ” writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing editors (SBoRE). Manuscript will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the journal’s internal editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer reviewers. The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these manuscripts. Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said: “The creation of the ‘statistics board’ was motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Science’s overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.” Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a member of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to “play primarily an advisory role.” He agreed to join because he “found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.” John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is “a most welcome step forward” and “l(fā)ong overdue.” “Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review, ” he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review. Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, “engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process”. Vaux says that Science’s idea to pass some papers to statisticians “has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identify ‘the papers that need scrutiny’ in the first place.” 31. It can be learned from Paragraph 1 that [A] Science intends to simplify its peer-review process. [B] journals are strengthening their statistical checks. [C] few journals are blamed for mistakes in data analysis. [D] lack of data analysis is common in research projects. 32. The phrase “flagged up” (Para. 2）is the closest in meaning to [A] found. [B] revised. [C] marked. [D] stored. 33. Giovanni Parmigiani believes that the establishment of the SBoRE may [A] pose a threat to all its peers. [B] meet with strong opposition. [C] increase Science’s circulation. [D] set an example for other journals. 34. David Vaux holds that what Science is doing now [A] adds to researchers’ workload. [B] diminishes the role of reviewers. [C] has room for further improvement. [D] is to fail in the foreseeable future. 35. Which of the following is the best title of the text [A] Science Joins Push to Screen Statistics in Papers [B] Professional Statisticians Deserve More Respect [C] Data Analysis Finds Its Way onto Editor’s Desks [D] Statisticians Are Coming Back with Science 【譯文】 Science Joins Push to Screen Statistics in Papers（編者加） 《科學(xué)》加入推進(jìn)論文統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)審核行動(dòng)中 《科學(xué)》雜志主編瑪西亞·麥納特今天宣布，《科學(xué)》正在將它的同行評(píng)議過(guò)程增加另外一輪統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)檢查。人們普遍擔(dān)心在數(shù)據(jù)分析上的基本錯(cuò)誤正在導(dǎo)致許多發(fā)表的研究成果無(wú)法復(fù)現(xiàn)，所以該策略效仿其他報(bào)刊的類似努力。 “讀者必須對(duì)刊登在我們期刊雜志上的結(jié)論抱有信心，”麥納特在一篇社論中寫(xiě)道。與美國(guó)統(tǒng)計(jì)協(xié)會(huì)合作，《科學(xué)》已經(jīng)任命七位專家到一個(gè)審核編輯統(tǒng)計(jì)委員會(huì)。由于額外的審核，手稿將被《科學(xué)》的內(nèi)部編輯、現(xiàn)有的審核編輯董事會(huì)或是同行審核者之外的人標(biāo)記。之后，審核編輯統(tǒng)計(jì)委員會(huì)小組將找外部統(tǒng)計(jì)人員審核這些手稿。 當(dāng)被問(wèn)到是否有一些特定的論文帶動(dòng)了這種變化，麥納特說(shuō)：“創(chuàng)立‘統(tǒng)計(jì)委員會(huì)’是由于人們廣泛關(guān)注在科學(xué)研究中統(tǒng)計(jì)和數(shù)據(jù)分析的應(yīng)用，還是《科學(xué)》為提升其發(fā)表研究的可復(fù)制性做出全面努力的一部分?！? 哈佛大學(xué)公共衛(wèi)生學(xué)院的生物統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)家喬凡尼·帕瑪強(qiáng)尼是審核編輯統(tǒng)計(jì)委員會(huì)小組的一員，他說(shuō)他希望董事會(huì)“主要扮演的是一個(gè)顧問(wèn)的角色”。他之所以同意加入審核編輯統(tǒng)計(jì)委員會(huì)是因?yàn)樗鞍l(fā)現(xiàn)其成立背后所體現(xiàn)的遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)是新穎的、獨(dú)特的，而且可能會(huì)產(chǎn)生持久的影響。這不僅會(huì)通過(guò)《科學(xué)》本身的出版物來(lái)影響，也有望影響到更多的可能想要模仿《科學(xué)》做法的出版機(jī)構(gòu)?！? 約翰·艾奧尼迪是一位鉆研研究方法論的內(nèi)科醫(yī)生，他說(shuō)該策略是“最受歡迎的進(jìn)步”，而且是“早就該實(shí)行的”?！按蠖鄶?shù)報(bào)刊不擅長(zhǎng)統(tǒng)計(jì)審核，這有損它們出版物的質(zhì)量。我認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在對(duì)于大多數(shù)科學(xué)類的論文，統(tǒng)計(jì)審核比專家審核更重要，”他說(shuō)。不過(guò)他指出，生物醫(yī)學(xué)期刊如《內(nèi)科醫(yī)學(xué)年鑒》《美國(guó)醫(yī)學(xué)協(xié)會(huì)雜志》和《柳葉刀》等強(qiáng)烈關(guān)注統(tǒng)計(jì)審核。 根據(jù)細(xì)胞生物學(xué)家大衛(wèi)·沃克斯的觀點(diǎn)，專業(yè)科學(xué)家期望知道如何分析數(shù)據(jù)，但是統(tǒng)計(jì)錯(cuò)誤在已發(fā)表的研究中驚人地常見(jiàn)。他在2012年寫(xiě)道，研究者應(yīng)該提高他們的水準(zhǔn)，但報(bào)刊也應(yīng)該采取更強(qiáng)硬的路線，“聘用具備統(tǒng)計(jì)知識(shí)的審核者和能夠核查評(píng)審過(guò)程的編輯”。沃克斯說(shuō)，《科學(xué)》把一些論文交給統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)家的這一想法“有一些優(yōu)點(diǎn)，但缺點(diǎn)是它依賴于審核編輯董事會(huì)來(lái)首先識(shí)別‘需要審核的論文’?！? Text 4Two years ago, Rupert Murdoch’s daughter, Elisabeth, spoke of the “unsettling dearth of integrity across so many of our institutions”. Integrity had collapsed, she argued, because of a collective acceptance that the only “sorting mechanism” in society should be profit and the market. But “it’s us, human beings, we the people who create the society we want, not profit”. Driving her point home, she continued: “It’s increasingly apparent that the absence of purpose, of a moral language within government, media or business could become one of the most dangerous goals for capitalism and freedom.” This same absence of moral purpose was wounding companies such as News International, she thought, making it more likely that it would lose its way as it had with widespread illegal telephone hacking. As the hacking trial concludes—finding guilty one ex-editor of the News of the World, Andy Coulson, for conspiring to hack phones, and finding his predecessor, Rebekah Brooks, innocent of the same charge—the wider issue of dearth of integrity still stands. Journalists are known to have hacked the phones of up to 5, 500 people. This is hacking on an industrial scale, as was acknowledged by Glenn Mulcaire, the man hired by the News of the World in 2001 to be the point person for phone hacking. Others await trial. This long story still unfolds. In many respects, the dearth of moral purpose frames not only the fact of such widespread phone hacking but the terms on which the trial took place. One of the astonishing revelations was how little Rebekah Brooks knew of what went on in her newsroom, how little she thought to ask and the fact that she never inquired how the stories arrived. The core of her successful defence was that she knew nothing. In today’s world, it has become normal that well-paid executives should not be accountable for what happens in the organisations that they run. Perhaps we should not be so surprised. For a generation, the collective doctrine has been that the sorting mechanism of society should be profit. The words that have mattered are efficiency, flexibility, shareholder value, business-friendly, wealth generation, sales, impact and, in newspapers, circulation. Words degraded to the margin have been justice, fairness, tolerance, proportionality and accountability. The purpose of editing the News of the World was not to promote reader understanding, to be fair in what was written or to betray any common humanity. It was to ruin lives in the quest for circulation and impact. Ms Brooks may or may not have had suspicions about how her journalists got their stories, but she asked no questions, gave no instruction—nor received traceable, recorded answers. 36. According to the first two paragraphs, Elisabeth was upset by [A] the consequences of the current sorting mechanism. [B] companies’ financial loss due to immoral practices. [C] governmental ineffectiveness on moral issues. [D] the wide misuse of integrity among institutions. 37. It can be inferred from Paragraph 3 that [A] Glenn Mulcaire may deny phone hacking as a crime. [B] more journalists may be found guilty of phone hacking. [C] Andy Coulson should be held innocent of the charge. [D] phone hacking will be accepted on certain occasions. 38. The author believes that Rebekah Brooks’s defence [A] revealed a cunning personality. [B] centered on trivial issues. [C] was hardly convincing. [D] was part of a conspiracy. 39. The author holds that the current collective doctrine shows [A] generally distorted values. [B] unfair wealth distribution. [C] a marginalized lifestyle. [D] a rigid moral code. 40. Which of the following is suggested in the last paragraph [A] The quality of writing is of primary importance. [B] Common humanity is central to news reporting. [C] Moral awareness matters in editing a newspaper. [D] Journalists need stricter industrial regulations. 【譯文】 As the Hacking Trial Proves, We Lack Moral Purpose in Public Life（編者加） 正如黑客審判所證明的：在公共生活中我們?nèi)狈Φ赖履康? 兩年前，魯伯特·默多克的女兒伊麗莎白談道“我們很多機(jī)構(gòu)都缺乏誠(chéng)信，這是令人擔(dān)憂的”。她說(shuō)誠(chéng)信已經(jīng)崩潰，因?yàn)槿藗兤毡檎J(rèn)為社會(huì)中的唯一“分類機(jī)制”應(yīng)該是利潤(rùn)和市場(chǎng)。但“這是我們?nèi)祟?、是我們這樣的人創(chuàng)造了我們想要的社會(huì)，而不是利潤(rùn)”。 為把觀點(diǎn)講清楚，她繼續(xù)說(shuō)道：“政府、媒體或企業(yè)中缺少目的和道德語(yǔ)言可能成為資本主義和自由最危險(xiǎn)的目標(biāo)之一，這種現(xiàn)象越來(lái)越明顯。”她認(rèn)為，同樣的道德目的的缺失正在傷害著像新聞國(guó)際這樣的公司，使它更可能像過(guò)去一樣因大范圍非法竊聽(tīng)電話而迷失方向。 盡管竊聽(tīng)案審判結(jié)束了——判決《世界新聞》前任編輯安迪·庫(kù)爾森因陰謀竊聽(tīng)電話而有罪，而受到相同指控的他的前任麗貝卡·布魯克斯無(wú)罪——但是關(guān)于誠(chéng)信喪失的更為廣泛的問(wèn)題仍在繼續(xù)。據(jù)了解，記者們已經(jīng)竊聽(tīng)多達(dá)5,500人的電話。正如2001年《世界新聞》雇用的竊聽(tīng)電話的關(guān)鍵人物格倫·穆?tīng)杽P爾所承認(rèn)的那樣，這種竊聽(tīng)是行業(yè)性的。其他人在等待審判，這個(gè)故事還在展開(kāi)。 在很多方面，喪失道德目的不僅體現(xiàn)在如此普遍的電話竊聽(tīng)這一事實(shí)上，也體現(xiàn)在案件審判所依據(jù)的法律條款上。其中一個(gè)令人震驚的發(fā)現(xiàn)就是麗貝卡·布魯克斯竟不知道她的新聞編輯部里發(fā)生的事情，她竟然不會(huì)去詢問(wèn)相關(guān)細(xì)節(jié)，實(shí)際上她從來(lái)不會(huì)去了解這些新聞報(bào)道的來(lái)源。她成功辯護(hù)的關(guān)鍵就是她對(duì)此一無(wú)所知。 在當(dāng)今世界，薪酬頗豐的高管對(duì)他們經(jīng)營(yíng)的公司所發(fā)生的事情概不負(fù)責(zé)，這已經(jīng)變成了常態(tài)。或許我們不應(yīng)該如此驚訝。對(duì)于一代人，這一集體信條已經(jīng)是：社會(huì)的分類機(jī)制應(yīng)該是利潤(rùn)。重要的詞語(yǔ)是效率、靈活性、股東價(jià)值、商業(yè)友好、財(cái)富創(chuàng)造、銷(xiāo)售、影響力，在報(bào)紙方面則是發(fā)行量。被退化到邊緣的詞語(yǔ)是公正、公平、寬容、行動(dòng)的恰當(dāng)性和責(zé)任。 編輯《世界新聞》的目的不是為了促進(jìn)讀者的理解，也不是為了在所寫(xiě)的內(nèi)容中追求公平或者違背任何共同的人性，而是為了追求發(fā)行量和影響力而破壞人們的生活。布魯克斯女士可能會(huì)也可能不會(huì)懷疑她的記者們是如何獲得那些故事的，但她沒(méi)有詢問(wèn)，沒(méi)有下達(dá)指令——也沒(méi)有收到可追溯的、有記錄的答案。 Part BDirections: In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions 41-45, choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the blanks. Mark your answers on the ANSWER SHEET. (10 points) How does your reading proceed Clearly you try to comprehend, in the sense of identifying meanings for inpidual words and working out relationships between them, drawing on your implicit knowledge of English grammar. (41) You begin to infer a context for the text, for instance, by making decisions about what kind of speech event is involved.：Who is making the utterance, to whom, when and where. The ways of reading indicated here are without doubt kinds of comprehension. But they show comprehension to consist not just of passive assimilation but of active engagement in inference and problem-solving. You infer information you feel the writer has invited you to grasp by presenting you with specific evidence and clues. (42) Conceived in this way, comprehension will not follow exactly the same track for each reader. What is in question is not the retrieval of an absolute, fixed or “true” meaning that can be read off and checked for accuracy, or some timeless relation of the text to the world. (43) Such background material inevitably reflects who we are. (44) This doesn’t, however, make interpretation merely relative or even pointless. Precisely because readers from different historical periods, places and social experiences produce different but overlapping readings of the same words on the page—including for texts that engage with fundamental human concerns—debates about texts can play an important role in social discussion of beliefs and values. How we read a given text also depends to some extent on our particular interest in reading it. (45) Such dimensions of reading suggest—as others introduced later in the book will also do—that we bring an implicit (often unacknowledged) agenda to any act of reading. It doesn’t then necessarily follow that one kind of reading is fuller, more advanced or more worthwhile than another. Ideally, different kinds of reading inform each other, and act as useful reference points for and counterbalances to one another. Together, they make up the reading component of your overall literacy, or relationship to your surrounding textual environment. [A] Are we studying that text and trying to respond in a way that fulfils the requirement of a given course Reading it simply for pleasure Skimming it for information Ways of reading on a train or in bed are likely to differ considerably from reading in a seminar room. [B] Factors such as the place and period in which we are reading, our gender, ethnicity, age and social class will encourage us towards certain interpretations but at the same time obscure or even close off others. [C] If you are unfamiliar with words or idioms, you guess at their meaning, using clues presented in the context. On the assumption that they will become relevant later, you make a mental note of discourse entities as well as possible links between them. [D] In effect, you try to reconstruct the likely meanings or effects that any given sentence, image or reference might have had: These might be the ones the author intended. [E] You make further inferences, for instance, about how the text may be significant to you, or about its validity—inferences that form the basis of a personal response for which the author will inevitably be far less responsible. [F] In plays, novels and narrative poems, characters speak as constructs created by the author, not necessarily as mouthpieces for the author’s own thoughts. [G] Rather, we ascribe meanings to texts on the basis of interaction between what we might call textual and contextual material: between kinds of organization or patterning we perceive in a text’s formal structures (so especially its language structures) and various kinds of background, social knowledge, belief and attitude that we bring to the text. 【譯文】 Ways of Reading: Advanced Reading Skills for Students of English Literature（編者加） 讀書(shū)方式：提高英國(guó)文學(xué)專業(yè)學(xué)生的閱讀技巧 你是如何進(jìn)行閱讀的？顯然，在確定單個(gè)單詞含義并弄清單詞之間關(guān)系的基礎(chǔ)上，你會(huì)利用英語(yǔ)語(yǔ)法的隱性知識(shí)。[C]如果你對(duì)單詞或習(xí)語(yǔ)不夠熟悉，你會(huì)利用語(yǔ)境呈現(xiàn)的線索猜測(cè)它們的含義。假設(shè)這些語(yǔ)篇實(shí)體在后文中可能會(huì)產(chǎn)生關(guān)聯(lián)，閱讀時(shí)就要將它們以及它們可能存在的關(guān)聯(lián)都記憶下來(lái)。你開(kāi)始推斷文章的語(yǔ)境，例如判斷涉及什么樣的言語(yǔ)事件，誰(shuí)在主導(dǎo)話語(yǔ)、在對(duì)誰(shuí)講話、時(shí)間以及地點(diǎn)分別是什么。 這里指出的閱讀方法無(wú)疑是理解類型的。但是這些方法表明理解不僅包括被動(dòng)吸收，還包括主動(dòng)推斷及解決問(wèn)題。推理那些你認(rèn)為作者通過(guò)提供給你的具體證據(jù)和線索呈現(xiàn)出來(lái)的希望你去理解的信息。[E]你會(huì)做出進(jìn)一步推斷，例如關(guān)于文章如何對(duì)你有意義，或者關(guān)于它的有效性——這些推理是構(gòu)成讀者自身反應(yīng)的基礎(chǔ)，作者必然不用對(duì)此反應(yīng)負(fù)什么責(zé)任。 用這種方法思考，每位讀者都會(huì)有不同的理解軌跡。問(wèn)題不是對(duì)一個(gè)檢驗(yàn)無(wú)誤的、完全固定的或“真正的”含義的再現(xiàn)，也不是尋求文章與世界的某種永恒的關(guān)系。[G]相反，以我們稱之為文本和語(yǔ)境材料之間的相互關(guān)系為基礎(chǔ)，獲得文本含義：我們從文本形式結(jié)構(gòu)（尤其是它的語(yǔ)言結(jié)構(gòu)）中洞悉的組織架構(gòu)或行文模式與“我們帶入文本的各種背景、社會(huì)知識(shí)、信仰以及態(tài)度”之間（的相互作用）。 這樣的背景材料不可避免地反映出讀者的個(gè)人特質(zhì)。[B]諸如我們閱讀時(shí)所在的時(shí)間及空間、我們的性別種族劃分、年齡及社會(huì)地位等因素會(huì)鼓勵(lì)我們朝向特定的解釋，但同時(shí)也隱藏甚至隔絕了其他解讀方式。但是，這并不會(huì)使解讀僅僅具有相對(duì)性，甚至是毫無(wú)意義。恰恰由于讀者來(lái)自不同的社會(huì)時(shí)期、不同的地域以及有著不同的社會(huì)經(jīng)歷，會(huì)對(duì)一頁(yè)中的相同單詞產(chǎn)生不同但交疊的閱讀——包括帶有基礎(chǔ)人文關(guān)懷的文章——關(guān)于文章的辯論才能在信仰及價(jià)值的社會(huì)討論中發(fā)揮重要作用。 我們?nèi)绾伍喿x一篇既定的文章，在某種程度上取決于我們對(duì)于閱讀它的特定興趣。[A]我們是在學(xué)習(xí)某一文本并試圖通過(guò)某種方式進(jìn)行回應(yīng)，以完成一門(mén)指定課程的要求嗎？閱讀它只是簡(jiǎn)單為了樂(lè)趣嗎？或是為了獲取信息而快速瀏覽？在火車(chē)上及躺在床上的閱讀方式可能與在研討室里閱讀有著極大的不同。這種閱讀的維度表明——以及其他將要在后文介紹的閱讀層面也表明——任何閱讀行為都會(huì)伴隨隱性（經(jīng)常是未被注意到的）動(dòng)機(jī)。沒(méi)有必要認(rèn)同有一種閱讀方式比另一種閱讀方式更完美、更高級(jí)或更有價(jià)值。理想狀態(tài)下，不同種類的閱讀相互貫通，彼此之間互為有用的參照點(diǎn)，相互平衡。通過(guò)相互作用，他們共同組成了你的整體素養(yǎng)的閱讀要素，或構(gòu)成了讀者周?chē)谋经h(huán)境的關(guān)聯(lián)。 Part CDirections: Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written neatly on the ANSWER SHEET. (10 points) Within the span of a hundred years, in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, a tide of emigration—one of the great folk wanderings of history—swept from Europe to America. (46) This movement, driven by powerful and perse motivations, built a nation out of a wilderness and, by its nature, shaped the character and destiny of an uncharted continent. (47) The United States is the product of two principal forces—the immigration of European peoples with their varied ideas, customs, and national characteristics and the impact of a new country which modified these traits. Of necessity, colonial America was a projection of Europe. Across the Atlantic came successive groups of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, Scots, Irishmen, Dutchmen, Swedes, and many others who attempted to transplant their habits and traditions to the new world. (48) But the force of geographic conditions peculiar to America, the interplay of the varied national groups upon one another, and the sheer difficulty of maintaining old-world ways in a raw, new continent caused significant changes. These changes were gradual and at first scarcely visible. But the result was a new social pattern which, although it resembled European society in many ways, had a character that was distinctly American. (49) The first shiploads of immigrants bound for the territory which is now the United States crossed the Atlantic more than a hundred years after the 15th-and-16th-century explorations of North America. In the meantime, thriving Spanish colonies had been established in Mexico, the West Indies, and South America. These travelers to North America came in small, unmercifully overcrowded craft. During their six- to twelve-week voyage, they survived on barely enough food allotted to them. Many of the ships were lost in storms, many passengers died of disease, and infants rarely survived the journey. Sometimes storms blew the vessels far off their course, and often calm brought unbearably delay. To the anxious travelers the sight of the American shore brought almost inexpressible relief. Said one recorder of events, “The air at twelve leagues’ distance smelt as sweet as a new-blown garden.” The colonists’ first glimpse of the new land was a sight of dense woods. (50) The virgin forest with its richness and variety of trees was a real treasure-house which extended from Maine all the way down to Georgia. Here was abundant fuel and lumber. Here was the raw material of houses and furniture, ships and potash, dyes and naval stores. 【譯文】 The Colonial Period（編者加） 殖民地時(shí)期 在17世紀(jì)到18世紀(jì)早期的一百年的時(shí)間跨度里，一次移民潮——?dú)v史上大規(guī)模的民間遷徙之一——從歐洲橫掃至美洲。（46）在各種強(qiáng)大動(dòng)機(jī)的推動(dòng)下，這場(chǎng)遷移從荒野中造就了一個(gè)民族，并循其本質(zhì)塑造了一片全新大陸的特點(diǎn)，決定了它的命運(yùn)。 （47）合眾國(guó)是兩股主要力量作用的產(chǎn)物，一是具有不同思想、風(fēng)俗和民族特點(diǎn)的歐洲各民族的遷入，二是一個(gè)新國(guó)家因改變了這些特征而產(chǎn)生的影響。不可避免地，被殖民的美洲成為歐洲的映射。連續(xù)不斷的英格蘭人、法國(guó)人、德國(guó)人、蘇格蘭人、愛(ài)爾蘭人、荷蘭人、瑞典人以及許多其他民族的人橫跨大西洋來(lái)到美洲，試圖把自己的習(xí)慣和傳統(tǒng)帶到這片新世界。（48）但美洲特有地理?xiàng)l件的作用，不同族群間的相互影響，加上在一片蠻荒新大陸上維持舊大陸方式的巨大困難，所有這一切引起了意義深遠(yuǎn)的變化。這些變化是平緩的，而且起初幾乎是看不見(jiàn)的。但其結(jié)果是一種新的社會(huì)模式，盡管它在許多方面與歐洲社會(huì)相似，卻有一種專屬美洲的特性。 （49）在十五、十六世紀(jì)的北美大陸探險(xiǎn)過(guò)去一百多年后，首批滿載移民駛向今天合眾國(guó)這片疆土的船只橫穿過(guò)了大西洋。與此同時(shí)，西班牙在墨西哥、西印度群島和南美洲建立了新興殖民地。前往北美的那些人是乘著極其擁擠的小船兒到來(lái)的。在6~12周的航行中，他們靠著分給他們的微乎其微的食物幸存了下來(lái)。許多船在暴風(fēng)雨中失蹤，許多乘客死于疾病，嬰兒能活下來(lái)的更是微乎其微。有時(shí)，暴風(fēng)雨將船只吹離航線，而風(fēng)平浪靜又會(huì)帶來(lái)難以忍受的長(zhǎng)久性耽擱。 對(duì)于焦慮的航行者來(lái)說(shuō)，看到美洲的海岸會(huì)給他們帶來(lái)無(wú)法表達(dá)的輕松。一位事件記錄員說(shuō)：“約百里之外的空氣聞起來(lái)跟新盛開(kāi)的花園一樣芬芳”。首先映入殖民者眼簾的是一片茂密的森林。（50）郁郁蔥蔥、樹(shù)種繁多的原始森林是一座從緬因一直向南綿延到佐治亞的天然寶庫(kù)。這里有豐富的燃料和木材。這里有建造房子、家具、船只，生產(chǎn)鉀堿、染料和松脂的原材料。 Section III WritingPart A51.Directions: You are going to hold a club reading session. Write an email of about 100 words recommending a book to the club members. You should state reasons for your recommendation. You should write neatly on the ANWSER SHEET. Do not sign you own name at the end of the letter, use “Li Ming ” instead. Do not write the address. (10 points) Part B52.Directions: Write an essay of 160-200 words based on the following picture. In you writing, you should 1) describe the picture briefly, 2) interpret its intended meaning, and 3) give your comments. You should write neatly on the ANSWER SHEET.(20 points)